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Can
Lula get what Lula wants?
While
the major focus of most of us these last several weeks has been
the election here in the United States as the two major parties
battle for control of the House and the Senate, the recent election
of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (Lula) as President of Brazil may also
have an impact on US trade and agricultural policy. Lula, the Workers'
Party candidate defeated the ruling Social Democratic candidate
Jose Serra. Depending on one's perceptions the election of Lula
can be seen as anything from the establishment of an axis of evil
in Latin America to the great hope of the downtrodden of the western
hemisphere.
With negotiations on the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas, large
U.S. farm subsidy payments and protective U.S. steel tariffs not
to mention continued WTO negotiations under consideration, the election
of Lula could change the complexion of these discussions. After
all, Brazil has a land mass larger than the contiguous United States
and a population of nearly 200 million. In agricultural markets,
particularly soybeans, Brazil is already challenging the leadership
of the U.S. in world markets. Under Lula, Brazil could begin to
use its size to challenge the leadership of the United States in
other areas as well.
What all of this portends for agricultural markets is unclear at
this time, but it is an issue we cannot ignore. The Agricultural
Policy Analysis Center's Associate Director, Dr. Daniel De La Torre
Ugarte has some insights into the historical challenges facing leftist
governments in Latin America. If Lula can successfully meet these
challenges, Lula's mark on the hemisphere has the potential to be
significant. If not he may be destined to become a footnote in the
pages of history.
The first challenge Lula faces is to maintain the support of his
voter base in the long run in view of the high expectations of those
who elected him as President. Many of the issues that he campaigned
on can not be solved in a short period of time The question then
becomes whether or not his supporters will become disillusioned
and withdraw their support for his leadership.
Because his agenda requires some structural changes in Brazil, Lula's
second challenge will be to develop the support of the current economic
establishment. At the very least he will need to avoid their outright
opposition. How the established power brokers in Brazil respond
to Lula's activities will be very important.
The third challenge will be for Lula to find ways to reassure foreign
investors that their investments in Brazil are secure or at least
at no greater risk than they were under the previous government.
If foreign investors withdraw their capital support in great numbers,
Lula will find it more difficult to advance his objectives.
The next major challenge is an extension of the previous one. Lula
will need to maintain an ongoing working relationship with the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund. He inherits a country
that is already in technical default on its debts. So far no sanctions
for this have been imposed by Brazil's lenders. If Lula can avoid
frightening these two institutions he may have a chance to work
for the implementation of the agenda he was elected on.
In meeting these challenges Lula is walking a tight rope with his
constituents on one end of the balance pole and the local establishment,
foreign lenders, and the international financial community on the
other. He will have to keep these forces in balance, otherwise one
end or the other will knock him off the high wire.
Daryll
E. Ray holds the Blasingame Chair of Excellence in Agricultural
Policy, Institute of Agriculture, University of Tennessee, and is
the Director of the UT's Agricultural Policy Analysis Center. (865)
974-7407; Fax: (865) 974-7298; dray@utk.edu;
http://www.agpolicy.org.
Reproduction
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