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Whence
low prices? High payments or the lack of an effective throttle?
When
it comes to World Trade Organization negotiations, the recent Trade
Disputes Panel ruling in Brazil's case against the US cotton program,
the burgeoning deficit, and the desire on the part of many to move
trade agreements forward, put agriculture on the front burner both
domestically and internationally. The prevailing argument is that
US crop programs as evidenced by high payment levels have artificially
driven up US production sending prices into the basement. As a result
many have called for the elimination of domestic support programs
in developed countries, primarily the US and the EU.
These advocates anticipate that the elimination of domestic support
programs in developed countries (US and EU) will lessen incentives
to overproduce and thus open up import potential for others and
eliminate or reduce dumping of under-priced exports onto international
markets.
But suppose-after the programs are eliminated-total production and
the overall price level of major crops remain virtually unchanged
from current levels. Based on what we know about how agriculture
operates, those results are exactly what would be expected.
There is little reason to believe that a reduction in farmers' revenue,
whatever the source, would significantly reduce the cropland devoted
to major crops. Farmers tend to farm all the land all the time.
That is not to say that there would not be impacts.
Among the effects that would occur include: Acreages would switch
among crops to eliminate any net return discrepancies caused by
the government support programs. Land prices would plummet. Rural
communities would deteriorate at a faster rate. Current farmers
would carryout every financial maneuver they could think of to stay
on the farm, but many would fail and turn their land and operations
over to another owner and/or operator.
Over time, some of the least productive land would cease production
but it would happen after several years and, since it is marginal
land, its abandonment would have little impact on the total level
of agricultural production.
Note that these results, though having significant domestic effects,
would be of little help to the farmers in developing countries.
Neither the configuration of farmers who operate US farms nor the
health of rural US economies is of concern to farmers in Africa
or Brazil.
Farmers in developing countries are interested in how eliminating
or reducing support payments would affect their prices and incomes.
And the answer is: Very little. Any adjustment in land use and production
would be too slow and too small to achieve the degree of price enhancement
that WTO, policy makers, and farmers in developing countries have
been led to expect.
This does not mean that current US farm policy is blameless. Far
from it. Excess production and fire-sale prices did not occur because
farmers responded to payments and increased production. It occurred
because the US no longer has the means to throttle its ever expanding
productive capacity or to establish a floor on commodity prices.
Acreage set aside and effective price supports are no longer part
of the current US farm program so all of agriculture's productive
capacity is used all the time. Predictably, when additional production
from the acreage-that would have been set-aside in previous legislation-flooded
the market, prices were driven below formerly-available price-floors.
Once the land was brought back into production, it remained in production.
In the longer-run, it is the expanding size of agriculture's productive
capacity that has the most depressing effect on prices. The most
striking conclusion of all this is that, given the nature of agricultural
markets and the mammoth and likely accelerating growth in productive
capacity, a subset of the domestic programs that the WTO and others
have worked hard to dismantle may be ones needed to prevent dumping
and to achieve politically acceptable price levels and stability,
especially in developing countries.
If those or other programs were reinstated, most of the issues concerning
government payments would be mute. Government payments don't influence
total crop production much no matter what. But payments also would
be de-emphasized if more price-oriented policies were implemented.
With regard to the longer-run pervasive reason for excess capacity,
it would be unwise to seriously consider reducing or eliminating
expenditures on programs that increase agriculture's productive
capacity. It is essential to keep well ahead of maximum demand needs
not only for this generation but generations to come and the best
way to do that, given the relatively long cycle time for research,
is to continue to invest in technologies that push productive capacity
ever larger.
It is the use of that productive capacity that is in need of attention.
In any other business setting, it would be unnecessary to point
that out.
Daryll
E. Ray holds the Blasingame Chair of Excellence in Agricultural
Policy, Institute of Agriculture, University of Tennessee, and is
the Director of UT's Agricultural Policy Analysis Center (APAC).
(865) 974-7407; Fax: (865) 974-7298; dray@utk.edu;
http://www.agpolicy.org. Daryll
Ray's column is written with the research and assistance of Harwood
D. Schaffer, Research Associate with APAC.
Reproduction
Permission Granted with:
1) Full attribution to Daryll E. Ray and the Agricultural Policy
Analysis Center, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN;
2) An email sent to hdschaffer@utk.edu
indicating how often you intend on running Dr. Ray's column and
your total circulation. Also, please send one copy of the first
issue with Dr. Ray's column in it to Harwood Schaffer, Agricultural
Policy Analysis Center, 310 Morgan Hall, Knoxville, TN 37996-4519.
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